The Battle of Schöngrabern intensifies upon Murat’s breaking of the truce and resultant barrage of cannon fire.

General Bagratión and his contingent reached the highest point of the right flank then rode down to where musketry was heard. On account of smoke, they could barely see. They quickly encountered wounded. One man was dragged by two soldiers after a bullet pierced his throat. He was gurgling and spitting blood. Another walked aimlessly, groaning while swinging a limp arm. Blood streamed over his coat as if it poured from a bottle. His face showed fear rather than suffering.

Some soldiers were ascending the hill Bagration was descending. Despite the general’s presence, most were too disorganized to be deferential. Rows of friendly soldiers became visible through the smoke. One officer catching sight of Bagration shouted at a crowd of retreating soldiers – to STOP retreating.

Shots drowned out the sound of voices. The air reeked of smoke and blackened faces. Some men were using their ramrods while others fired. The atmosphere was filled with the whistling of bullets.

The commander of one regiment, a thin, feeble elderly man with a pleasant smile and drooping eyelids, rode up to Bagration and welcomed him as a host does an honored guest. He reported that his regiment had been attacked by cavalry. He was unclear on whether the attack had been repulsed. He could not account for the troops entrusted to him and did know whether the regiment had just broken up. This is insightful exposition of the Fog of War.

Prince Andrei was struck by the changed expression on Bagration’s face. It expressed a concentrated and happy resolution. That dull, sleepy expression was gone. He now had the steady eyes of a hawk. Bagration turned to an adjunct and ordered the calling up of two battalions of Chasseurs for reinforcement.

Bagration was urged to fall back - as he was in an extraordinarily dangerous situation. He gave another order to cease firing and re-form. While he was speaking, the smoke began to move as if drawn by an invisible hand. It became clear that the French were advancing.

Right near Bagration marched a company commander, a round-faced man, with a silly and happy expression— who had previously rushed out of the shed with Tushin. This fella was thinking of how dashing he would appear as he passed the commander. He was strutting like a peacock, inattentive to the surrounding danger.

A throng of soldiers with knapsacks and muskets marched in step near Bagration. Each seemed to be repeating to himself, at each alternate step, “Left... left... left...” A cannon ball the flew over the heads of Bagration and his suite, falling into that very column, taking out a high number.

Bagratión rode around the ranks and dismounted. He gave the reins to a Cossack, handed over his felt coat, stretched his legs, and set his cap straight. “Well done, lads!” exhorted Bagratión. “Glad to do our best, your ex’len-lency!”. “Forward, with God!” continued Bagratión, in a resolute, sonorous voice. Prince Andrei felt that an invisible power was leading them all forward.

The head of the French column, with its officers at the vanguard, appeared from below the hill. The French were near. Andrei could distinguish their bandoliers, red epaulets, and even their faces. Bagration gave no further orders and silently continued to walk in front of the ranks.

One shot after another rang out. Several men caught bullets, among them the round-faced officer who had just marched so gaily. One moment he was full of life and pride, the next, like so many through the ages, he was laid to waste.

Bagration looked round and shouted, “Hurrah!”

“Hurrah!!!" came the response and that sentiment was shouted from the ranks, with men passing Bagration and racing one another on their horses. They rushed in an irregular but joyous manner down the hill at their foe.

Andrei examined the position of the French, focusing on a puff of smoke from the cannon that fired. Two mounted Frenchmen galloped up the hill while a small column headed down to strengthen their front line. Another puff appeared and it was clear - the Battle of Schöngrabern had begun!

A messenger just arrived with Bonaparte’s stern letter and Murat, humiliated, moved his forces to attack the center and outflank both Russian wings, hoping for a quick victory before Napoleon's arrival.

Andrei was reflecting on how his chance arrived to save the army! Tolstoy is asking us to consider if one man can accomplish this. Also worth considering: Was Napoleon more able to get men to this mindset? Or, are men led to victory by a more passive leader, like Kutuzov’s depiction? Tolstoy argues victors will also need Providence or chance. Who prevails is often impossible to know -- yet how we search for causes!

Not long before, the men had been enjoying a welcome respite - eating porridge and drinking vodka. Now, impending death was heralded by the movement of soldiers forming ranks. On their faces, Andrei recognized the eagerness that filled his own heart. It was “dreadful but enjoyable!” He demonstrated both confidence and ambition in thinking, “where and how will my Toulon present itself?”

Andrei noticed Bagration riding toward him wearing a Cossack cloak. Bagration recognized Andrei, who conveyed what he thought would be the proper strategy. Bagration remained stoic. Andrei wondered, “Is there anything at all behind that impassive face?” Bagration’s posture implied that everything that took place was exactly in accord with what he had foreseen. Andrei noticed Bagration’s saber, which was a gift from Gen. Alexander Suvorov. This detail is meant to show the historical connection between the generals as Bagration, during campaigns in Italy, was a trusted protégé of Suvorov.

Bagration headed toward Túshin’s battery. Andrei followed, along with Zherkov and other officers. Riding with them was a civilian with connections —an accountant. He was a stout, full-faced man with a naïve smile. He looked unusual among the hussars, Cossacks and adjutants. “He wants to see a battle,” said Zherkóv “but feels a pain in the pit of his stomach.” Enemy fire soon struck ground near them and a Cossack crashed to earth with his horse.

Cossacks, many from territories in Ukraine, suffered in high casualties. They expected to be rewarded for their service, with increased rights. Instead they found their rights diminished and felt marginalized. Many developed quite the national identity.

Prince Bagration did not demonstrate concern over the causality. He turned as if to say: “Is it worth-while noticing trifles?” He reached the battery and observed gunners working their cannons. Bagration called to Tushin, who replied with an awkward salute - looking like a priest giving a benediction. Though the original plan was for Túshin’s guns to strike the valley, he was firing at the village of Schöngrabern, in front of which masses of French were advancing.

It is profound that Tushin, a fictional character, is attributed making this critical decision. Tushin decided, “Lets hit 'em in the most sensible part!” “Very good!” noted Bagration in reply to learning what was happening. As Bagration examined the battlefield, he noticed French coming around the flank to the right and ordered two battalions to reinforce the vulnerable area.

Adjutants rode up with a messages on where the French were attacking and being contained. There was back-and-forth with these types of updates. Andrei was able to hear Bagratión’s colloquies and, to his surprise, noticed no orders were really given. This was not necessary historically accurate, but Tolstoy depicts it this way to show a “greater truth.”

Bagration made it appear that everything was done by necessity, or by the will of subordinate commanders AND if not by his direct command, at least in accord with his intentions.

Andrei realized that ALL of consequence that happened was due to chance and independent of the commander’s will. Nevertheless, owing to the tact Bagration showed, his presence was valuable. Officers who approached him with disturbed countenances became calm. Soldiers greeted him gaily and grew more cheerful in his presence and were anxious to display their courage.

This episode initially exams the lead-up to the Battle of Schöngraben. Murat and Lannes had led the capture of Vienna. However, Vienna was a symbolic prize as it was taken at the cost of pursuing Kutuzov and crushing his army.

Murat moved on towards the Austrian town of Hollabrunn to cut the Russian line of retreat and prevent them from reaching Znaim (Znojmo - a Czech city). Kutuzov was ultimately headed toward Olmutz (Olomouc – another Czech city). If Kutuzov could remain on the front-foot, he would link up with his Austrian allies. Upon leaving Krems, Napoleon and Kutuzov were fighting with their “feet.”

Kutuzov assigned Gen. Bagration to lead a rear guard of about 5-7K, meant to hold off the French. Murat (with about 10K) initiated a second gambit. He proposed a short truce as he was not sure of the size of Bagration’s forces and if it was combined with Kutuzov’s. Murat sought reinforcements of his own. His strategy was to hold all soldiers in place under the notion peace negotiations might head-off the impending battle. A separate Austrian contingent, under General Nostitz, accepted a similar offer and withdrew from Hollabrunn itself.

Historically, Murat’s terms were presented to Bagration as “Capitulation Offered by Russian Army.” It involved Russian forces leaving the field with their arms and heading home. Napoleon realized only the Czar could sign off on the entire army leaving. This was conveyed to Murat, who was compelled to attack. To Kutuzov, the delay was a godsend. His main force could get further ahead of the French but he would likely have to sacrifice his rear-guard.

This chapter places us within the truce. Andrei had just toured the camp at Schöngrabern, during which he encountered the fictional artillery commander, Captain Tushin.

Scholars attribute intelligent decisions to Bagration in positioning his troops and using the terrain. However, Tushin will emerge as the hero. Tolstoy captured the nobility of the unknown soldier. Tushin is, in essence, the forgotten man that gives his all to a cause. Tolstoy also uses Tushin to present the role of the unknown, or chance, in war. Tolstoy posits: How much can we know about a cause we try to attribute reason to?

Andrei made his way up to a battery from which the field could be seen. He could see how Bagration positioned his forces. On the opposite hill, was the village of Schöngraben, where French troops were amid smoke from their campfires. Andrei developed the skill of being able follow military movements and picture forthcoming events – and summarize them for a commander. Here, he noticed: his right flank was posted on a steep incline -- which dominated the French position. Infantry were stationed there as well as dragoons. The French line appeared wider and he recognized Bagration could be outflanked on both sides. Behind many of the Russian forces was a steep dip, making it difficult for artillery and cavalry to retire. Andrei thought it would be best to concentrate all artillery in the center and withdraw cavalry to a better spot.

Andrei then noticed a friendly conversation coming from a newly constructed shed. He was struck by the sincerity of the voice who turned out to be Tushin. “No, friend - what I say is that if it were possible to know what is beyond death, none of us would be afraid of it." Another, a younger voice, interrupted - “Afraid or not, you can’t escape it.” “All the same, one is afraid!,” interjected a third. Discussing of the nature of death before impending battle is quite poignant. These men are taking life as it comes, with grace.

They continue such banter by incorporating an artillery soldiers penchant for liquor and snacks. Just as Andrei realizes, with pleasure, “that’s the captain who stood up in the sutler’s hut without his boots,” there was a whistle of a cannon and the ball thudded into the ground near the shed with super human force. The ground seemed to groan at the impact. Immediately Tushin, with his short pipe in the corner of his mouth, rushed out of the shed to face the danger.

This episode is final installment with Prof. Mikaberidze. He discusses the nature of the Holy Roman Empire (HRE) and how the Napoleonic Wars, at least politically, marked Medieval Times giving way to Modern Age in Central Europe.

Before 1805, was no Germany but the HRE, a commonwealth of over 300 subdivisions of mostly German-speaking states. This included kingdoms, free states, duchies, and bishoprics. The Emperor was elected by nine rulers of the more influential states. From the 16th Century onward, each Emperor came from the Habsburg family, which resulted in Habsburgs running Austria and overseeing the Empire. Austria, Bavaria, Saxony, Baden, Württemberg and Hanover where among the more influential states.

The relationships of the panoply of states was impacted by competition and alliances in accord with tastes of the times. Each state was generally self-sufficient. If the Emperor requested, troops could be sent for a common cause for a delineated term. Importantly, there was not a Germanic army loyal to the Emperor. This was their “separation of powers." Other large powers exploited this -- as French Kings did during the 30 Years War and Napoleon did as well.

The HRE existed for about 1000 years, if you measure it from Pope Leo crowning Charlemagne in 800 A.D., or 850 years from Pope John XII crowning Otto in 962. In any event, it all ends in1805, in the wake of the Battle of Austerlitz. Through victory, Napoleon restructures the old institution into something new, namely the Confederation of the Rhine, which had 39 states.

We also discuss the “Glorious Retreat,” a term the professor uses in an ironic sense. This phrase was born in 19th century Russia and heavily promoted in Soviet times, where Kutuzov was extolled as a genius. Granted, what is depicted in Part II of Book I was a wise retreat where Kutuzov never allowed his forces to get out-worked and surrounded like General Mack at Ulm. However, the events of 1805 were a significant loss for the Russian Empire with minimal “glory” A re-characterization was the method to find a silver lining. The Russians promoted their continued escape and placed the blame on “treacherous” Austrians. They cherry-picked certain efforts, like in Krems, and celebrated Bagration. The Professor also touches on how formal military rules were flouted, and officers, at times, would travel with their wives, and come up with creative excuses for the breach.

Prof. Mikaberidze later gives an overview of some of the various Cossacks to populate the Russian Empire in the early 19th Century. He also references whether Napoleon missed an opportunity of allying with the population of territories taken by Russia during the partitions of Poland (the final one formalized in 1797), which was within memory of much of the population Napoleon encountered when he march East. For example, when reached Vilnius in 1812, he was met with widespread acclaim. He also marched through (what is today) Belarus and northern Ukraine. As some of these areas were acquired forcefully 20 years before, Napoleon may have been able to recruit more of the local population with skillful outreach. It is also an interesting question as to whether masses of Ukrainian and Lithuanian peasantry would have assisted him.

We close by discussing the transcendent nature of War & Peace.

Kutuzov is presented with a choice while the French advance toward Krems: (1) abandon the main road or (2) continue toward Ölmutz. Each is fraught with peril and he chooses the latter. It was in this direction he had sent Gen. Bagration, who Andrei (off-book) convinced Kutuzov to allow to join. In the previous chapter, Kutuzov steadfastly refused the request, under the belief Bagration would be decimated.

The idea was to march rapidly and fortify a position, engage the French, once again allowing the main force to retreat. This involved a 30 mile march where Kutuzov willed his men to reach the town of Hollabrünn before the French. The maneuver also allowed supply lines to be secured.

One may ask: What is the purpose in depicting what seems like military minutia? While War & Peace is known for it’s victorious ending, showcasing the War of 1812, much of the body of the work, explores the ideals the French introduced through the Napoleonic Wars, which led to changes in Russian Society during Tolstoy’s life. This includes ideas brought forth during the failed Decembrist revolt of 1825. Tolstoy was writing from the perspective of having served in the Crimean War (1853-56), where Russia was humiliated and forced to reform. Tolstoy was able to witness the emancipation of the serfs who were conscripted in the battles (both minor and great) that War & Peace depicts.

Gen. Joachim Murat, fresh from taking Vienna, reached Bagration’s forces and proposed a 3-day truce. Murat was thought to be hesitating while waiting for reinforcements. In hindsight, Murat is viewed as having been in an advantageous position. Murat may also have been thinking that peace negotiations were under way and that risking men in a fierce battle was unnecessary. Bagration communicated the offer to Kutuzov, with both understanding the advantage. Foremost, it allowed for necessary rest. When word reached Napoleon, who was relatively close at Shönbrunn Palace, he sent a messenger to chastise Murat. He ordered the truce be rescinded and set out to the front.

Chapter 15 takes us into Bagration’s division, where we find Andrei. Bagration gave Andrei the choice the be upfront with him or in the rear guard. Andrei was permitted to explore the camp by escort, as he desired to place himself where he would be of most use. At first, Andrei found a disorganized mess. He ran into Artillery Captain Tushin, who was in his tent with his boots off, which was against protocol. Tushin had a noble spirit about him. He was salt-of-the-earth and did his best to defuse the uncomfortable situation.

During the truce, Andrei observed soldiers in various states, including digging trenches in minimal clothing. Andrei reached a hill from where he could observe his adversary. The closer he got to the front, he noticed an equanimity to the men. This depiction likely stems from Tolstoy’s experience in the bastions of Crimea.

Tolstoy is pointing out the paradox of good men who will soon be sent to kill those who profess the same religion. He captures a decency of those put up front. There was a pride and sense of togetherness. Many were dragging logs and constructing huts. Laughing and chatter could be heard. Some sat around fire, eating, drying clothes, or attending to leg bands. They behaved with a dignity and as if they were at home.

Tolstoy also captures the brutality of army life. Andrei soon observes a soldier being brutally disciplined. He is naked and held down by two men, while two others beat him with switches. He had been caught stealing and a Major was commanding the beating to continue. This highlights the Prussian discipline many Russian commanders adopted.

Andrei moves on and reaches the center of the front line, where the truce envoys met. He could see the faces of the adversary. Contingents on both sides jest and taunt one another. Dolokhov is in the middle of it. The soldiers are filled with misinformation and the taunts center around Napoleon. The banter gets so heated that musket balls are propelled into the air. Eventually, the soldiers retire -- leaving each other’s artillery to ominously face one another.

For those picking up War & Peace, deciphering the context of this era is a challenge. This episode is a great resource regarding the initial stages of the War of the Third Coalition in 1805.

France prevailed over the 1st Coalition in 1797 and 2nd Coalition in 1801. Afterward, France controlled much of Western Europe, including (from today’s perspective): Belgium, much of Southern Germany, Switzerland, and various parts of Italy. Spain was also a junior partner of France.

Napoleon was having success pushing for a reorganization of the German states, which included the Imperial Recess of 1803. This movement threatened the centuries-old interests of Austria, Prussia, and Russia.

The War of the Third Coalition began in the Summer of 1805. The Coalition had manpower of over a half a million, but they were spread out and not organized. For example, the Coalition had a presence in the Netherlands, Hanover (Northern Germany), Southern Italy, and Prussia. The Coalition was eager to invade Bavaria, a French ally. The Austrians wanted to pressure (through force) the Bavarians to align with them. The feeling was: what Bavaria does, so will most of the German states.

Gen. Kutuzov led the largest contingent of the Czar’s forces and was given the task of uniting with Austrians as they pushed into Bavaria. Kutuzov initially had to cover about 900 miles to link up. He started out with around 50,000, but by the time he arrived, only half his troops remained.

In September, Austrian forces made the move into Bavaria. Kutuzov’s forces were expected in early October, but were late. The march was slower than expected, leaving a wide gap between Austrians and Russian forces. When Kutuzov arrived, his men were exhausted and ill-equipped. Nevertheless, the Austrians wanted to get their allies right into the fight, especially at Ulm. Kutuzov recognized this would be fruitless and held back.

Napoleon grasped the situation and attacked relatively isolated Austrians, demolishing them at Ulm. He then turned his attention to chasing Kutuzov before reinforcements could arrive. Kutuzov recognizes retreat is the best option -- to thin out Napoleon’s forces. Kutuzov engages the French with his rear guard, often led by Gen. Peter Bagration. By November, Napoleon is weaker, but still threatening. Kutuzov was waiting for Winter and for Coalition forces to be reinforced. Prof. Mikaberidze contends that if Kutuzov’s advice was followed, Napoleon likely would have lost the war in the first half of 1806.

We then move onto a discussion of the daily experience of officers and soldiers, based on correspondence the Professor reviewed. From the French perspective, there is a realization Napoleon is winning through speed. The French are stressed but were moved by a sense of elation. They feel part of something monumental. Russian officers communicated a life of drudgery. Many were sick or lagging behind and walked with boots that were in tatters. There was an utter lack of food and supplies. This was a responsibility the Austrians were not living up to. Nevertheless, there was a sense of pride and group cohesion on both sides.

Overall, Kutuzov held a reputation for treating his men decently. He made a point to visit soldiers during common gatherings such as around camp fires. He asked about their experience. He would occasionally sit down with rank-and-file soldiers over a bowl of porridge.

The Professor also discusses hierarchical nature of Russian society and the Table of Ranks (there were 14 total) imposed by Peter the Great. It was adopted from European systems and held up until 1917. One would start at bottom, and ideally (though not in practice) advance through merit and perseverance.

This episode is part I of III of my interview with LSU History Professor Alexander Mikaberidze, an expert on the Napoleonic Wars. I'm breaking our interview up into roughly 20 minute segments.

We focus on General Mikhail Kutuzov, who is introduced, in-depth, to War & Peace readers in Book 1 Part 2. Chapter 13 has Prince Andrei taking in the scars Kutuzov suffered from being shot by musket balls in Crimea.

Professor Mikaberidze notes Kutuzov, as a young man, was serving in the Danubian principalities, primarily Romania, and merited the reputation of a brave and capable officer who often led "from the front."

Kutuzov was also known (as a young soldier) to be an unending source of jokes and parodies – the type of person helpful to making military life tolerable. However, during a night of drinking he made fun of a Commander in Chief who did not see any fun in Kutuzov's jest. The incident got Kutuzov transferred from the First Army in Romania to the Second Army in the Crimean peninsula, which was something of a demotion.

In Crimea, in 1774, there was a conflict with the Turks. Part of Kutuzov's unit was ordered to attack an Ottoman fortification. Kutuzov was leading soldiers and wound up on a rock waving his men forward. At this point, he was shot in the head and miraculously avoided death. He was carried off the field and recovered. His convalescence was aided (financially) by Empress Katarina. Kutuzov was able to travel about Europe and received the best medical care in Prussia, Austria and the Dutch Republic. During this time, he met the most influential members of society, including Frederik the Great and various influential Austrians.

Kutuzov escaped death again in the summer of 1788, when we he was shot, once again by Ottomans in Crimea. The projectile went through his left check and came out the right side of his neck. Part of his jaw was shattered.

Prof. Mikaberidze discusses how these incidents may have affected him and Kutuzov’s genuine care for those under his command. The Professor touches on Kutuzov's writings and that to Kutuzov -- being a soldier meant great sacrifice.

Given the nature of Kutuzov's recovery, the famous French doctor who treated him, as well as Kutuzov himself, believed there was a sense of Providence that saved Kutuzov. This view holds Kutuzov was touched by the Almighty and was being prepared for something monumental.

Andrei embarks on his mission to “save the army” by getting back to Kutuzov. He secures a Cossack attendant and horse and travels from Brünn to Krems.

He finds himself among thousands of soldiers. The roads were jammed with carts, horses and carriages. The men were deprived of food, supplies and weapons promised by the Austrians. This led to a situation where soldiers would ravage the countryside and return with plunder.

The road remained a mess, with commanders yelling, whips cracking and soldiers in poor spirits. The side of the road was littered with dead horses, broken wagons and the injured.

Andrei reflected on Napoleon’s words: “That Russian army which English gold has brought from the ends of the Universe; we shall cause it to share the same fate as the army at Ulm.” However, Andrei senses the next battle could be his Siege of Toulan, the 1793 conflict where Napoleon made a name for himself.

Amidst the chaos, Andrei comes across an unusual scene - a drunk officer driving a carriage is whipping another driver who “cut the line.” The drunkard yells, “Turn back with your slut.” He is referring to the woman pleading for help while her husband (a physician) is being assaulted. The Russian Army had a reputation of allowing wives travel with some officers – though it was against the rules. The woman appeals for someone in authority and spots Andrei. He bears a few insults but uses tact to diffuse the situation. He soon reaches the village where Kutuzov is located.

As Andrei walks around - Nesvitsky spots him and his expression revealed the army’s dreadful position. As he escorted Andrei, he inquires what Andrei knows about any truce, hoping for same. Nesvitsky reflects on how immature he was to laugh at Mack’s situation. Nesvitsky also noticed Andrei was suffering from the elements -- wincing and wheezing.

As Andrei nears Kutuzov’s quarters, Kozlovsky (another close aide), was dictating orders that there will be battle (rather than capitulation). Kutuzov was in the process sending Prince Pytor Bagration to lead the rear-guard. Kutuzov said, amidst tears, “Well, good-bye Prince, Christ be with you, Many blessings on Your great endeavor.” He drew Bagration close with his left hand and with his right, crossed himself. In return, Bagration kissed Kutuzov on the neck.

Kutuzov asked Andrei to enter his carriage. Andrei begged to fight with Bagration. Kutuzov diplomatically refused, knowing it was pointless. He told Andrei, “I have need of good officers with me” and that “there is still much before us.” Kutuzov poignantly relayed, “if one in ten of that division returns, I shall be thankful to God.” During the ride, the two were quite close, giving Andrei a chance to examine the deep scar on Kutuzov’s temple where a bullet pierced his skull. Andrei realizes Kutuzov earned the right to speak about all facets of war and even send men to their deaths, recognizing this as a necessary aspect of leadership.

The nature of Kutuzov’s infamous wound is discussed. Though not referenced in much detail, Kutuzov was shot in 1774 -- in Alushta, Crimea -- while leading grenadiers in a siege against fortified positions of the Ottomans. He was standing on a large rock waving on his men and took a musket ball to the head. He was hit between left eye and temple and the projective went thru his skull, not hitting the brain. He wound up on a pile of the fallen. His was carried off and miraculously survived. His recovery took a year and a half. He suffered another bullet to the head in 1788 at Ochakiv when Kutuzov was scouting positions, ironically with Austrians. His jaw was fractured. The ball went in around the left cheek. It only took six months before he returned to active duty.