Tolstoy affirms that only the will of the Deity, who is not dependent on time, can make sense of any monumental event or series of events.

Tolstoy acknowledges his belief in an omnipotent God, who determines the Way. This majestic being is something we can never come close to understanding. Even the most renowned, like Napoleon, cannot veer humanity in the direction they intend. This is because man acts in his limited time and sphere. Thus, historians who attribute grand events to so-called “Great Men,” are engaged in a vain pursuit. This outlook is not surprising given Tolstoy’s affinity of Scripture, particularly the Wisdom literature of Job and Ecclesiastes.

In analyzing the futility of attributing an effect to a purported cause, Tolstoy proffers that no command can be executed without an endless chain of proceeding orders. There is no such thing as a command that appears spontaneously. At best, we can say every command and event refers to a sliver in time that can only have influence over the fraction that comes after.

Tolstoy suggests there is a general consensus that paramount decisions are made akin to the setting in motion of a clock -- such that a single command is often thought to govern a whole series of occurrences. For example, “Napoleon wished to invade Russia and did so in 1812.” However, Napoleon could never have commanded such a movement in one fell swoop. Instead, there were countless preceding missives and orders to his generals as well as the leaders of Vienna, Berlin and St. Petersburg. It is more accurate to say that events took on a direction that humanity, for some impossible to define reason, were ready to move in. The true reasons behind such movements are something only The Deity can comprehend.

Tolstoy reflects that Napoleon was more of a natural adversary of England. Therefore, there was a greater chance of him coming up with a plan to invade England as opposed to crossing the Vistula River.

Tolstoy posits that for any order to be executed -- in a philosophical sense – it is necessary that said order be possible. This is not only in the case in military endeavors, but in everyday transactions, for there are always a myriad of contingencies that could arise to prevent a command’s execution. With respect to invading Russia, there would have been many directives that if analyzed soberly and in hindsight, would never have been possible.

We have this false conception that an event is caused by a command because what occurred is looked at as a plan coming together. Yet for every directive executed there are an immense number unexecuted and forgotten. Thus, Tolstoy goes back to his theme -- that it is virtually impossible to attribute causes to grand historical events.

Tolstoy then turns to wrestling regarding the nature of power in looking at how commands and directives play out between related events, that is between very close in time events. Tolstoy finds it important to understand the roles of those giving and taking orders. In most endeavors, there are small numbers giving orders and large numbers subject to them. In military life, army leadership resembles a cone where the thickest part, the base, consists of the rank and file. Here exists the domain of the soldiers, who are told where to march and who to kill. On the next level are the noncommissioned officers, who give commands to soldiers below and get into action less frequently. An officer like Andrei customarily participates even less in the battles, but commands more. At the top, there is the commander like Kutuzov or Napoleon, who rarely takes direct part in the action.

Tolstoy feels there is similar relation of people (between the few who give orders and the majority who take them) in most common activities—including in agriculture and trade. It is this relationship which constitutes the essence of power. For example, while Napoleon may be given credit or blame for the way a particular battle turned out, All the people in the cone have a voice! When the overwhelming majority figuratively decide to swim in the same direction, that is where the greatest power lies. Thus, Napoleon guided people toward where they were already headed. Yet behind it all is a Deity, whose guiding influence we will never fully grasp.

At 8 a.m. Kutuzov rode towards Pratzen Village. He took command of a regiment he came across and led it into the Village. The other columns were advancing towards a massive valley, where the battle was picking up. Andrei, who was among Kutuzov’s suite, was in a state of constrained excitement. He was convinced this day would be his Toulon, the battle that made Napoleon. Andrei’s motivation to be hero of this world was at an apex. He would give his life, his family, even his soul, to be admired.

Andrei was keen to troop positions and analyzing how the battle would develop. He could hear musket fire from the valley but could only visualize a sliver of the action. He sensed where the major fighting would concentrate and imagined leading a regiment while hoisting a Battle Flag, perhaps dropped by someone in the units he was observing. He envisioned charging forward with the Standard, breaking the will of the enemy. Nevertheless, he accepted his battle plans were never considered and it was full steam ahead with the attack attributed to General Franz Von Weyrother.

Andrei took in a clear sky that was still somewhat dark. In the East, the sun was rising. Well in front of him were some wooded hills. He figured the French were within those woods. He could see the gleaming of bayonets as soldiers advanced into that obscured area. He also observed masses of cavalry disappear in the fog. All around him moved infantry.

Kutuvoz reached the edge of the Village and observed various troops pass. He was irritated by their disorganization. He scolded a commander, noting it would be better to go around the Village in a less visible movement, to not show off their numbers.

He noticed Andrei when an Austrian officer was asked about the advance. Kutuzov ignored the inquiry and his caustic feelings softened upon seeing his adjunct. He told Andrei to find the third division, tell it to halt and confirm whether sharpshooters and skirmishers were posted. He believed the enemy was close and the troops needed to bunker down.

Andrei galloped off and overtook various battalions and spoke with a colonel of the third division, who was surprised at Kutuzov’s order. The colonel felt placing rifleman was a waste. He was under the impression there were a multitude of allies between them and the French, who were believed to be six miles away. Andrei reported this to Kutuzov, who is presented as a stodgy old man going against the grain of command. Kutuzov soon noticed the pageantry of the approach of the two Emperors, who approved of the aggression. Tolstoy explores a fictional but quite symbolic meeting between the three.

Kutuzov rode up to the Emperors and became uncharacteristically deferential. The Czar quickly grasped the presentation was not authentic and was offended. Alexander appeared thinner after the brief illness cause by experiencing the reality of War. Yet he is described as an energetic good-hearted youth possessing the essence of majesty. Emperor Francis is described as stoic as well as having a rosy complexion and long face. Alexander was surrounded by some famous historic names, including: Adam Czartoryski, Nikolay Novosíltsev and Pavel Strogonov. Tolstoy contrasts their perceived brilliance and energy with Kutuzov’s age and demeanor. Alexander’s clique is compared to a whiff of fresh air.

The Emperor address a critical question to Kutuzov: “Why aren’t you beginning, Michael Ilariónovich?” Kutuzov responds, “I am waiting, Your Majesty, as not all the columns have formed up.” The Czar did not like the reply and noted: “You know, Michael Ilariónovich, we are not on the Empress’ Field where a parade does not begin till all the troops are assembled.” Kutuzov then retorts with a degree of defiance, “That is why I do not begin, sire, because we are not on parade and not on the Empress’ Field.” The Emperors’ aides exchanged looks expressing reproach. A silence permeated for about a minute, where the Czar looked intently into Kutuzov’s eyes. Kutozov eventually deferred, saying he would proceed if commanded.

Soon enough, all the troops again began to move, with a number having the honor of passing the two Emperors. One column was led by Mikhail Miloradovich and included an Azerbyzioni regiment, who the Emperor called out to and encouraged.

The doomed advance commenced around 5 a.m., when still quite dark. The idea was for General Bagration’s left flank to initiate the attack on the French right flank and drive the enemy into the mountains.

Officers were hurriedly drinking tea and eating a decent breakfast while buttoning their coats and buckling their swords. Battalion and regimental commanders, along with their adjuncts, mounted their horses and gave final instructions. Austrian guides were now moving among the troops and heralding the advance.

Those who would be moving were anxious amidst the cold and mist. The soldiers had been eating their rations, which consisted of a biscuit, while some beat their feet (while sitting around fires) to a tolerable warmth. The allied army reached a critical point, to either keep what they had or destroy it. Thus, into the fires went chairs, tables, wheels and everything that was not needed or could not be carried. The men then hoisted their bags onto carts, readied their muskets, and ran to form rank. There were a lot of non-combatant equipment men and logistics people who harnessed and packed the wagons.

Soon the tramp of thousands of marching feet resounded. The throng moved without seeing where they were headed, as great masses of familiar men were surrounded by smoke and fog. For most, their senses heightened and they listened intently and looked about, each strengthened by their numbers.

The columns thus advanced, descending and ascending hills, going over new and unknown ground. Nowhere did they encounter the French. The troops marched with enthusiasm for about an hour before the greater part had to halt and an unpleasant consciousness of some blunder spread. Tolstoy notes how such a mindset moves through such a body so rapidly is impossible to define. It was understood that large units were crossing one other. For example, in one area, several thousand cavalry crossed in front of the infantry. In contrast to the jovial spirit with which the troops had started, they were now filled with vexation and anger. The disorder was attributed to “those stupid Germans,” often called “sausage-eaters.” There were even visible altercations between some Austrian and Russian leaders. While stationary, the troops grew listless and dispirited.

After this inauspicious development that lasted the better part of an hour, some soldiers started to hear shots. It was beyond the fog and irregular but then came at more frequent intervals. A small contingent who expected to come upon the enemy down by a stream stumbled upon the French in the fog. Similar interactions, of advancing and halting and exchanging uneven shots with the enemy, played out among the first, second and third columns in the lowlands, amidst thick fog.

The 4th column, which Kutuzov was with, stood on the Infamous Pratzen Heights. On this higher ground, much of the field was becoming observable as the day developed and sun rose.

High up in the village of Schlappanitz –the Great Napoleon stood with his marshals, observing the field and the Pratzen Heights. He was basking in the crimson sun that was rising in a striking blue sky. He donned the famous blue cloak he wore on his Italian campaign, sitting on his gray Arab horse. He gazed at the hills which seemed to rise out of the sea of mist and on which his adversaries were moving, listening to the sounds of firing. He is imbued by as already having the air of having victory.

One part of the Russian forces already descended into a valley toward the ponds and lakes and another were leaving the Pratzen Heights, which Napolean abandoned before the battle but intended to retake and regarded as the key position.

Napoleon plainly noticed the disorderly movement of his enemy and that the columns moving near The Pratzen Heights constituted the center of the Russian army, which was sufficiently weakened to be successfully attacked.

In the early morning hours of December 2nd, 1805, Rostov was patrolling the skirmishing line near Bagration’s detachment. Behind him he could see his army’s campfires glowing. In front the French were covered by misty darkness.

Rostov was exhausted. His eyes would close and his fancy appeared—now the Emperor, then Denísov or whirling Moscow memories. His hussar companion occasionally alerted him to steer his horse out of bushes. He was disappointed his unit was not advancing and wanted to ask for permission to join the attack. He was dreaming about The Czar, envisioning how they would have a chance encounter and he would receive an assignment. He was confident he would do a superb job and develop a relationship with the sovereign. How faithfully he would guard Alexander, tell him the truth and unmask any deceivers! Rostov pictured how he would humiliate and kill an enemy of the state, either a Frenchman or a deceitful German ally, all in the presence of Alexander.

Suddenly, a distant shout aroused him. He opened his eyes but only noticed the surrounding hills and white patches of snow. His mind veered toward his sister, who he wished to tell of his acquaintance with the Czar.

Soon enough, there noticeable sounds in the distance. It appeared to be commotion from a group. He noticed fires igniting all along the landscape. The shouting grew louder. He was near one of the main French camps. Rostov could hear French spoken but not the words. The voices merged into a roar only an army could produce. The lights spread and he heard the triumphant shouting of the enemy – the famous, “Vive l’Empereur! Vive l’Empereur!”

He was witnessing inspired men, more genuine than anything in Rostov’s camp. The spectacle was so obvious that it attracted Generals Bagration and Dulgarukov. The latter suggested it was just a decoy. Dulgarukov felt the main force retreated but Bagration realized his adversary was a force to be reckoned with and directed Rostov and a few others to investigate. Rostov was frightened but thrilled to propel into danger. Bagration called out for the group to not go beyond a certain stream. Rostov pretended not to hear the order.

The French voices grew closer and soon enough there was shooting. The Hussars presence may have been noticed but it also could have been excited French firing into the air. Rostov’s group retreated back to Bagration. Rostov reported that the French presence was consistent with previous scouting. Bagration thanked Rostov, who leaped at the opportunity to ask to join a squadron that would advance. Bagration allows Rostov to join his own unit, sensing he is meeting Ilya Rostov’s son. Rostov thanks the Lord and felt he was a step closer to becoming involved with the Emperor.

Tolstoy, as Narrator, lets us in on what was happening among the French. There was celebration because Napoleon was riding and sometimes walking through the camps while his written orders were being read. This would cause the fires, as soldiers would light wisps of straw and run after him; and others would fire guns into the air. Further, the soldiers knew the critical battle would be fought on the anniversary of Napoleon's coronation, just a year prior at Notre Dame. This was considered a good omen. Tolstoy conveys Napoleon’s inspirational and historic message. It includes:

Soldiers! I direct all your battalions. I will keep out of fire if you -- with your habitual valor carry disorder and confusion into the enemy’s ranks -- but should victory be in doubt, even for a moment, you will see your Emperor exposing himself to the first blows of the enemy, for there must be no doubt of victory, especially on this day when the honour of the French infantry is at stake, so necessary to the honour of our nation.

In a few chapters, you will read one of the triumphs in literature, borrowed from the Wisdom Literature of the Old Testament.

Tolstoy will have the fictional Andrei recognize the Vanity of our world. On the battlefield, Andrei is placed in a posture that makes him attuned to absorbing the nature of war & peace; and much more.

In preparation for this moment, I ask you to take a tiny step toward developing the ability to see behind the vanity & vexation of our existence.

If inclined, read the beginning of Ecclesiastes – as Andrei will paraphrase this material while speaking to the meaningless and futility of not seeing beyond the issues of the day.

Conceding most will never going to do that… the critical and initial part of Ecclesiastes 1 reads:

Vanity of vanities, saith the Preacher (often identified as Solomon); All is vanity.

What profit hath a man of all his labour, which he taketh under the sun?

Then Scripture references then unrelenting cycles of nature --

One generation passeth away, and another cometh: but the earth abideth;

The sun also ariseth, and the sun goeth down, and hasteneth to his place where it arose.

The wind goeth toward the south, and turneth about unto the north;

it whirleth about continually, and returneth again according to his circuits.

All the rivers run into the sea, yet the sea is not full;

unto the place from where the rivers come, thither they return again.

War & Peace is an everlasting work, in part, by reason of Tolstoy’s influence from Scripture. Within this vein, Tolstoy has been able to capture the artist’s ability to see beyond and touch the Transcendent!

Tolstoy was able to skillfully -- not to just look to the baseness of what is in front, or below us, in creating something entertaining -- but he is able to enter the sacred space of fulfilling the spiritual need of appreciating the infiniteness above.

So, this chapter is a reminder open yourself to this dynamic. For you ALL have Your own wars and periods of peace.

Therefore, take a moment, to recognize what is here and now is not as significant as it seems, whether it is the Battle at Austerlitz or the so-call grand historical events of Your life. All of that is microscopic compared to what is above.

If you are not interested in wrestling with the Bible, you can at least, take a look up to the sky and concentrate for a few seconds. This simple exercise gives us a sense of our size and the ineffability of what we are taking in.

Consider our quarrels and even the wars men are so-often thrown into and what really mean in the grand sense.

The exercise will build and appreciation for a pivotal moment in the book and more importantly, life in general. You will catch this moment soon, if you don’t know it already, on the fields of Austerlitz.

Moreover, most readers fail realize something rather obvious, that the title and phrase War & Peace appears in the famous poetry of Chapter 3 of Ecclesiastes, where the Scripture notes that there is a Time for every purpose under Heaven, including a time for War; and a Time of Peace.

The night before the Battle, General Weyrother, who coordinated the advance, traveled to Kutuzov’s quarters in a castle near Austerlitz for a council of war. Kutuzov was a reluctant and relegated host.

Weyrother is presented as full of vigor while Kutuzov was morose, with his uniform unbuttoned and nearly asleep in a chair. Weyrother was familiar with the terrain but was unable to competently explain the nature of this Moravian land. He spoke in front of an enormous map and went through the battle-plan. It involved a flanking maneuver and pursuit over a forest as well as descriptions of how the columns would march. He was exhausted and lost all sense of deference to the other attendees. Kutuzov’s response was to snore – at one point waking up startled and giving a condescending “YES! YES!,” and nodding off again.

Tolstoy then symbolizes how some high-level officers are said to have reacted at the historic encounter.

Friedrich Wilhelm Graf von Buxhöwden, hardly paid attention. Like many of the Russian officer class, his name had German roots. Mikhail Miloradovich “with wide-open eyes and a mustache twisted upwards,” sat in a military posture remaining silent. Unimpressed, he complained to himself but loud enough to be heard, “A geography lesson!?” Dimitry Dohktúrov, a small and modest man was studying the unfamiliar localities on the map and found the plan confusing.

There was also Count Louis Langeron, a French émigré, who gazed at his delicate fingers twirling a gold snuffbox. He tried to contribute his own ideas but was rebuffed. A prominent Polish official, Ignacy Przebyszéwski, was described as carrying a dignified politeness. Thus, the command was an eclectic mix of ethnic Germans, aristocratic Russians, a Frenchman and even a Pole.

Late in the council, Langeron finally got a chance to convey how difficult it would be to carry out such a strategy since the enemy’s position was only assumed and Bonaparte might attack and render the plan worthless. Tolstoy expresses that those spoken down to could have advised Weyrother about military matters. It is a hindsight presentation of a doomed mission. Historically, Weyrother would not have been spearheading the effort if Gen. Johann Schmit had not been killed.

Weyrother met all objections with contempt, finding it ridiculous to debate a disposition approved by the Emperors. He felt the only thing to fear was the French retreating. He noted: “If Napolean could attack us, he would have done so today.”

When Weyrother is nearly finished, Tolstoy brings in the fictional Andrei to get into the mindset of the noble officer who faces such an affair. Andrei asks for a clarification but Weyrother cuts him off with “Gentlemen, the dispositions for tomorrow—or rather for today, for it is past midnight—cannot be altered. You have heard them and we shall all do our duty. Before a battle, there is nothing more important than to have a good sleep.”

Andrei could sense that nobody was inspired by the talk. He wondered how Alexander was not influenced by Kutuzov’s reticence. He realized all their lives were placed at needless risk. He considers, “It is very likely that I shall be killed tomorrow” and a series of memories arose. Andrei remembered parting from his father and dwelled on his wife and her pregnancy. In a softened mood he went out into the early December night.

“Tomorrow everything may be over for me and these memories will be no more.” He became certain he would be called to account as a soldier and man. He pictured the battle in light of the sober analysis from Kutuzov. He imagined having the opportunity to firmly express his opinion of the futility of the present course to Kutuzov, Weyrother and the Emperors. While they would be impressed, no one would listen to him. He visualizes the forthcoming hesitation. He senses that his Toulon (the famous battle that catapulted Napoleon’s career) will present itself and envisions taking a regiment and leading it victory. He even pictures Kutuzov being removed appointed in the Commander’s place!

However, another voice suggesting he would be wounded or killed. He considered, “I don’t know what will happen, but admits he desires Glory -- to be known to men and loved by them.” He finds no Fault that earthly glory is all that he lives for! In pursuit of such esteem, he fears nothing, neither his own death nor the loss of his family. Though his family is precious, he has psyched himself up to point that he would trade them all for just a moment of that glory.

This chapter continues to examine the precipice of Austerlitz, where misguided confidence continues to build. Yet we can observe cracks in that veneer, namely relating to how Tolstoy portrays the Czar.

As the Emperor occupied Wischau, his French physician was summoned. While Alexander was initially excited by the movement of the troops, calvary charges, and clashes, he became ill upon observing casualties and the reality of war.

Ten days prior, while in Olmütz, French General Anne-Jean-Marie-René-Savary, requested and received an audience with the Czar. Savary quickly noticed the overconfidence of Alexander’s inexperienced advisers and that Kutuzov (who advocated patience) was sidelined. Alexander explained to Savary how it was Napoleon’s ambition that brought them all to the precipice of slaughter. This was where Savary was presented with the infamous letter addressed “to the head of the French Government.” Ultimately, the allied army left in five large columns, toward Austerlitz, around 11/17/1805.

In this section, Tolstoy focuses on Savary being sent to the Czar a second time in an 11th hour attempt to negotiate when near the battlefield. Alexander read this outreach as weakness. Savary was admitted, but Alexander refused a proposal to meet directly with Napoleon. The Czar’s army was overjoyed upon learning of this notable rejection. Instead, Prince Dolgorúkov was sent to meet Napoleon.

Tolstoy doesn’t mention this here, but Napoleon keenly set up his camp to show Dolgorúkov miserable surroundings and dispirited men. Dolgorúkov told Napoleon that for peace, he must withdraw from Belgium, Holland, Switzerland, & Lombardy. Napoleon announced in reply: “Then we must fight.” Dolgorúkov later assured the Czar that the French were ripe to be vanquished.

The day before the Battle, there a bustling of activity, which lead to 80,000 men being stretched out over six miles, ready to advance. Information would have to travel along that chain, which would prove a challenge. Tolstoy poetically explains how like the working of an intricate clock, decisions have results. He speaks of wheels interlocking and gathering momentum based on an initial push from the Emperor’s headquarters.

"One wheel slowly moved and another was set in motion, and then third, and then wheels began to revolve faster and faster, levers and cogwheels, chimes to play, figures pop out, and the hands advance with regular motion. Just as with clock, so it is with a military machine…"

The result was 160,000 men — all their passions, desires, remorse, humiliations, sufferings, outbursts of pride, fear, and enthusiasm — ready to embark on the Battle of Three Emperors.

The story turns to the fictional Andrei, who was in constant attendance of those who made the critical decisions relating to Austerlitz. Andrei became aware how Kutuzov was dissatisfied – as most at headquarters were dismissive of him.

Dolgorúkov relays his impression of Napoleon, namely that the General was afraid of a battle and that his hour had come! Dolgorúkov finds Napoleon vain and superficial: “He is a man in a gray overcoat, very anxious that I should call him ‘Your Majesty,’ but who, to his chagrin, got no title from me!” He continues: “We mustn’t forget Suvórov and his rule—not to put yourself in a position to be attacked, but yourself to attack. Believe me in war the energy of young men often shows the way better than all the experience than the old procrastinators”

Dolgorúkov went on to explain the battle plan, a flanking attack formulated by Austrian General Weyrother. Andrei offered one of his own, but was shut down and told to bring up any such suggestions at the next council. Bilibin, the fictional diplomat, enters this dynamic. He proffers how no Russian officers are involved in spearheading the advance, and the three discuss who is said to be leading the units.

After a long and frenetic day, Andrei gets a quiet moment with Kutuzov and asks him what he thinks will come of the upcoming battle:

Kutúzov looked sternly at his adjutant and, after a pause, replied: "I think the battle will be lost, and so I told Count Tolstoy and asked him to tell the Emperor. What do you think he replied? ‘But, my dear general, I am engaged with rice and cutlets, look after military matters yourself!’"

On the precipice of the Battle of Austerlitz, Tolstoy illustrates the bravado and immaturity of youth.

Here, I explore how Tolstoy incorporates elements of his own vice from his younger days, including pride and ambition. Both his early and late material speak to this, most notably personal journals from his time at university as well as the spiritual work, My Confession, written in 1879, when in his early 50s. The latter was an attempt to grapple with eternal questions such as: What am I doing?, and Why am I here? Tolstoy pursues answers in the mold of how Solomon (or “the Preacher”) is presented as taking them on in Ecclesiastes.

Tolstoy appears to have reached the conclusion that those outside his social class (most notably humble peasants) have a higher chance of living in virtue and connecting with the Almighty. He implicitly argues for a reversion to a more simple Faith based on the Teachings of Christ.

Early in Confession, Tolstoy famously wrote:

I cannot think of those years without horror….. I killed men in war and challenged men to duels…. I lost at cards, consumed the labor of the peasants, sentenced them to punishments, lived loosely and deceived people. Lying, robbery, adultery of all kinds, drunkenness, violence, murder -- there was no crime I did not commit, and in spite of that people praised my conduct and my contemporaries considered and consider me to be a comparatively moral man.

He could barely imagine such depravity among the peasant class.

Tolstoy also references his early skepticism of the Russian Orthodox Church, especially as to rituals and teachings found outside the Gospel, such as certain prayers and the veneration of saints.

He reflects that his “false faith” became trying to become the perfect earthly man and he rigorously tried to formulate methods to achieve success.

Some of Tolstoy’s suggestions, taken from his journals, are: never hesitate to speak before onlookers; lead the conversation and speak deliberately; do not constantly move from conversation to conversation or language or language; seek the company of High Society; and invite the most important ladies – as that will be the event to be at!

An aunt who helped raise him strongly suggested that he have relations with a married woman of the highest status – as she believed nothing so fully formed a young man. She also wanted him to become an aide-de-camp, if possible to the Emperor. She further advised to marry into extreme wealth and become possessed of as many serfs as possible.

Tolstoy’s journals continue in a self-help fashion, suggesting: do not put off what you set out to do; make an effort and the thoughts and ideas of how to achieve goals will come; write down your plan and do not get up from the table until you make sufficient progress.

Tolstoy also set regimented schedules for himself: 9-10 a.m.: Bathe and exercise, 10-12 a.m,: Music, play a least four pages of sheets, all scales and chords; 6-8 p.m.: Attend to his studies; 8-10 p.m.: Estate management.

His time at the University of Kazan was an intense period of self-observation and served as a preparatory stage, filled with experimentation and vice, for where he wound up.

Ultimately, Tolstoy came to realize his aristocratic peers developed this heightened arrogance, believing they are in the best position guide their fellow man. The rejection of such self-perfection efforts was significant to Tolstoy developing into an elderly sage, where pilgrimages were made to his estate.

It is manifestly important to consider how Tolstoy embraces General Kutuzov as Napoleon’s opposite - as more Godly and attuned to the unknowable nature of life. This symbolic depiction made the old general a national hero.

This episode finishes by examining how the sinful ambitions he very much shared are fused into the characters of Napoleon, Boris, Berg, Anatole, Vasilly, Andrei, Pierre and Nicholas.